white ISIL Freedom Summit - Germany 2005 > The European Constitution: A Pragmatic View
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Jacques de Guenin

THE EUROPEAN CONSTITUTION

– A Pragmatic View –

by Jacques de Guenin



Caution : Throughout this conference, I shall use the world "liberal" in its original sense of "classical liberal" and the word "socialist" to designate constructivist undertakings of the States.

     The attempt to develop some sort of European Union in order to live in peace forever with our neighbors has been the greatest enterprise of my generation, the generation born before the war of 1939-1945.

     We have known Nazism, Communism, and their trails of horror.

     We have watched the killing of millions of people in absurd conflicts.

     Our parents have told us the horrors of the previous war, the War of 1914-1918. Every year, on the 11th of November, with most people of my village, we gather at the monument to the soldiers killed during that war. Their names are on the monument: they cover practically all the young men who would have been between 20 and 30 in 1918. And the same thing happened in all villages, in all towns, of France and Germany.

     Before that, there was not a single generation without a war between some of the nations that constituted Europe, wars the atrocities of which were always covered up by the governments involved.

     Now, for 60 years, there has not been a single war among our countries, and it seems almost impossible to imagine that there could be one during the life of any living person. Such is the main achievement of the European Union so far, and to say the truth, any argument for or against the Union looks derisory in the light of this achievement.

How have we been able to achieve the oasis of peace that we are enjoying today?

     We have followed two approaches more or less simultaneously : a liberal one, and a socialist one.

     Here is a glimpse of what has been achieved under the liberal heading :

  • Freedom of movement of people, merchandise, and capital.
  • Opening state monopolies to competition
  • Fiscal competition between countries
  • Increased protection of individual rights.
  • Money management taken out from the governments.
  • Victorious defense against communism

     And here is a glimpse of the principal socialist measures :

  • European Community for Coal and Steel
  • European Center for Nuclear Research
  • Euratom
  • Common Agricultural Policy
  • European Commission for the Construction and Launching of Space Rockets
  • Reallocation of Wealth (Subsidies to underdeveloped places).

     So, since the origin of the Union, a number of measures have been taken, some liberal, some socialist. The mixture of these two philosophies occurred for a very simple reason: each step of the European construction has been a compromise between liberal and socialist governments. Sometimes the positions of the former prevailed, sometimes those of the latter. The result is a reflection of each of the constituent countries: partly liberal, partly socialist. And it will always be that way.

     Of course, as a liberal, I resent the socialist measures. However to be truthful we must say that both were useful in the achievement of the very major objective that I have emphasized at the beginning: both have had the virtue of generating innumerable contacts between the leaders and between the citizens of the different countries. They have forced these leaders, these citizens, to work together on common goals, to appreciate each other, either in the common institutions, or in multinational activities, generating lasting friendships. Numerous marriages have been celebrated, and the children of these marriages are totally impervious to national antagonisms.

Why a new treaty?

     The new treaty was not motivated by a new earthshaking idea such as, for example, the one that created a common currency. It was essentially triggered by a growing desire:

  • to synthesize in a single, clear document, the 25 odd preceding treaties
  • to correct some obvious sources of inefficiency such as the rotating presidency of the Council (the committee of the heads of State) every six months
  • to give more power to the Parliament, leading to some rebalancing of the attributions of the Council, the Commission, and the Parliament
  • to facilitate the expression of a common external policy.

     The task was given to a commission of some 105 people, made up of representatives from the member countries and the European institutions. They worked unexpectedly well, and came up with something quite reasonable in the light of the above objectives. And indeed, it was approved without much haggling by the 25 heads of State. It is now being submitted to the 25 nations through either their parliaments or through referenda. Twelve countries have already approved it, including one (Spain) by referendum. But as you all know, two (France and the Netherlands) have rejected it through referendum.

     It was unfortunate that this new treaty was given the name of "Constitution". Indeed, it had some features that belonged properly to a constitution, such as peoples' rights and the organization of powers within the alliance. But it had many other things, notably the summary of existing rules, or the description of auxiliary institutions such as the European bank, which are normally not included in a constitution. That in itself was the subject of endless and largely pointless discussions which obstructed more relevant discussions regarding the treaty.

Who voted "no" in France and Holland?
  • Those who thought that the constitution was too liberal
  • Those who thought that it was too socialist
  • Those who thought that it was too "federalist"

Who voted "yes"?

  • Those who thought that it was just another step in the peace consolidation process
  • Those who thought that it was a reasonable compromise between liberalism and socialism
  • Those who thought that it offered some protection from the ever-expanding intrusions of their governments.

         Among the liberals who voted yes (perhaps half of them), the last point was certainly one of major importance. I have listed above the liberal breakthroughs that Europe brought to us. Probably none of them would exist in my country today without the European pressure. None were really threatened by the new treaty. The liberals who voted no were mostly academics who were against Europe before anyway, because it was not the pure liberal model of their dreams.

         I voted yes. And yet I am very happy about the result, for reasons that nobody had enough foresight to predict beforehand.

    Unintended consequences

         Jacques Chirac involved himself very heavily in favor of the "constitution" during the referendum campaign. Despite the fact that 55% of the votes were negative, Chirac was judged to be out of touch with the people. Subsequent popularity polls showed that only 21% of the French were now supporting him. Simultaneously, he was severely criticized in Europe, where he has lost a lot of his former influence.

         It is common knowledge that for historical and geographical reasons Jacques Chirac and Gerhard Shröder were very influential leaders of the European Union. Chirac is losing influence. Shröder is losing ground in Germany, and therefore in Europe. He is likely to be replaced as Chancellor by Angela Merkel, who is more liberal and more Atlanticist. The rising star is Tony Blair, president of the Union since July 1st. In spite of his "labour" label, he is far more liberal than Chirac. All the former communist nations don't want to hear any more about socialism. They are now certainly more liberal than France. As a matter of fact, France is presently more socialist than most other nations of the European Union. In the latest ranking of the Heritage Foundation on the basis of Economic Freedom, France is 44th among 155 nations, but it is 23rd among the 25 nations of the E.U.!

         In 2007, there will be new presidential elections in France. The favorite candidate is Nicolas Sarkozy, the most energetic politician that we have had for many years. He is far more liberal and Atlanticist than Chirac. There are promising days ahead for a European Union led by Tony Blair, Angela Merkel, and Nicolas Sarkozy.

    Jacques de Guenin, is a graduate of the Ecole de Mines in Paris and holds a Master of Science from the University of Berkeley (California). He worked for 22 years in the oil industry (Exxon), then for 12 years in the car industry (PSA Peugeot-Citroën) where he was a director before his retirement in 1993. He has lived, worked, or traveled in fifty or so countries, but he has always remained close to his village of Saint-Loubouer, in Les Landes region. He was mayor from 1995 to 2001. He has stood as a (liberal) candidate in parliamentary elections: against Henri Emmanuelli in 1993, then against Joël Gohyeinex in 1998.
         Having been taught by two winners of the Nobel Prize in Economics, he has himself published various works in this discipline. His favorite author is the great economist and humanist Frédéric Bastiat who came from Les Landes and about whom he has written numerous articles and given many talks. In 1980 he founded in Les Landes Le Cercle Frédéric Bastiat – which he still runs. He is currently president that organization.
         In 2001 Jaques was host for ISIL's world confernce in Dax, France.

    This speech was delivered at the 2005 International Society for Individual Liberty's Freedom Summit in Gummersbach, Germany – July 15-20, 2005.


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