Despite the close vicinity of both countries, Mexico's history, values, politics, economy, and culture are very different from those of the United States.

     Mexico's economy has been historically less prosperous, although it had always been open enough to permit substantial foreign investment in certain industries.

     Until the 1990s, Mexico was a distant third partner – trading with the United States and Canada but maintaining few political, economic, educational, cultural, and security ties.

     That began to change in 1994 with the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), originally promoted by Mexican President Carlos Salinas in the early 1990's.

     US-Mexico trade has more than doubled in the decade since NAFTA was enacted, and a string of political reforms enabled the election of Mexico's first opposition president in 71 years, as well as the evolution of a more independent Congress and judicial system.

     It is clear, however, that the road to closer cooperation btween our countries is still very long and the efforts we have to make are huge. Nevertheless, there are many areas of this issue on which we can work.

     Nothing has been easy, nor will it be in the near future. More open borders and many more relationships between the people of both countries remain impractical for a number of reasons.

     Outside of NAFTA, relations are still in their infancy. It is necessary to improve collaboration on specific border and defense interests. As well we need broader cooperation on economical, educational, and emigrational issues, which are too far from a minimal potential level.

     The new political structures within Mexico have yet to advance to the stage where they reinforce institutions and respect for the law. Monopolistic elites that control Mexico's economy need to be rid off so that Mexico can become a true partner in continental affairs. The enemies to integration and development are rooted in our territory. These enemies live within our borders – not outside.

     Foreign investment in Mexico's large telecommunication and energy sectors is limited by law to protect private and government monopolies. Some examples are radio, television, Internet, oil, gas, electricity, steel, and cement, just to name a few.

     According to some analysts, the Mexican petroleum company (Pemex) claims that the company loses more than $1 billion annually to internal corruption. Outside Pemex, public corruption limits on foreign investment may cost Mexico the equivalent of 9 percent of its annual gross domestic product.

     Despite political reforms leading to fair elections in 2000, Mexico's democracy is still evolving but lacks accountability. The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) that governed Mexico for seven decades still controls important worker unions and state monopolies.

     While the Mexican Congress now provides some balance regarding the once dictatorial presidency, recent elections have divided the legislature among three major parties that are prone to block President Calderon's reform initiatives. This threat hinders any presidential attempts to introduce new legislature measures and determines that our country be politically and economically immobilized.

     Mexico's political parties are nowadays experimenting little or not at all with advances in democratic practices. The way of choosing candidates for elections rests basically on party leaders' decisions. This means that no one can file for candidacy straight off the street.

     What is more, 200 of Mexico's 500 congressional representatives, that is, our diputados, do not represent specific districts; they are elected at large and normally have little official contact with citizens back home. The only visible role of these representatives – and senators as well – is to engage in electoral activities to the advantage of their own parties.

     After a complete year of Felipe Calderon's presidency things remain essentially the same in the political and economical arena. While the government expenses in the so called asistencia social or social assistance reach more than 70% of the total government budget, politicians and government officials take so much care in talking about how we are advancing toward happiness and general wellbeing.

     Trying to express in a few words the main idea about the obstacles that hinder our economic and political development, I would say that Mexico, first of all, must unchain its stifled economy and encourage foreign investment by ending monopolies and corrupt practices.

     Then the necessary development of the political structure must begin by educating the middle class, small entrepreneurs, professionals, scholars, and urban employees. Universities, research centers and NGO's have an important responsibility in this huge task. Here the libertarian and free market US organizations, have an important role on supporting resolutely and efficiently these efforts.

     Mexico and the US must work now toward real agreements and coordinated procedures on migration, workers' education, law enforcement, and defense. Only in this way can Mexico build better economic ties with the United States and Canada in a more integrated market and defense zone.

     The US Congress and the Administration should advice Mexico for political, economic, and security reforms that will enable Mexico to become a more integrated partner in the continental economy. Such reforms – most of them already advocated by a few Mexican think tanks – would curb official corruption through better citizen involvement in government at all levels.

     In the political and electoral field the reforms must include open primaries to allow any citizen to run for office, and tie legislative representatives to specific districts and voter constituencies.

     In the fiscal area the federal government must devolve authority to state and local jurisdictions. Thereby to empower them to collect taxes, manage local services and infrastructure. This is necessary particularly in the northern border states where economic, political, social and law enforcement concerns call for more flexibility. This will promote compatibility and improved collaboration with neighboring U.S. jurisdictions.

     Another important line of fostering toward the Mexican political system is to phase out corrupt, inefficient state monopolies, and enable reinvestment, productive capital renovation, and private ventures in Mexico's energy and telecommunications sectors.

     Our bid for increased cooperation and integration is not a take-it-or-leave-it proposition. Because Mexico is a close neighbor to the United States and its second largest trading partner, its success will inevitably help to determine U.S. success. As once remarked by an American politician these are matters of symbiotic interest.

     Americans, especially the free-market and libertarian elites, should welcome Mexican think tanks' willingness to join in deeper commercial, cultural, and educational ties, as well as appreciate the long-term vision of a few Mexican thinkers and analysts who have nudged Mexico in the direction of democratic and free-market traditions – the bedrock of past U.S. and Canadian prosperity.

     It is excellent that American free market think tanks have a presence and exert influence in Europe, Africa, and Asia. Better yet would be to collarorate on a libertarian agenda with their close neighbors in Mexico.

     Progress toward integration can help to ensure a stable and prosperous neighborhood. Such a pursuit should not involve creating a common market that over-promises, over-regulates, and stifles innovation – nor should it by any means promote some supranational government. Rather, it should support a flexible relationship that guarantees citizen freedoms as well as a sustainable development.

     As previously stated this agenda could consist of building improved areas of cooperation, building reformed immigration policies, building gates not walls, building bridges not pitfalls, building links not chasms, building channels of communication not hunting-fields of human beings.

Edgar Piña Ortiz is currently working as a professor at the Centro de Estudios Superiores del Estado de Sonora (CESUES)in Hermosillo,, Sonora State, Mexico. He has also taught at the Faculty of Economics (UNAM), Universidad de Sonora, and the Universidad Kino. Mr. Piña is also a radio and TV anchorman and has produced and conducted TV programs and video productions.
     Since 1999 he has been working in the development of Foro Libre, a civil organization which aims to promote individual freedom and a free market economy in Mexico. Professor Piña was host of ISIL's 2002 world conference in Puerto Vallarta, Mexico.